Thanks to valuable materials from the Bakhmetyevsky archive of Russian and East European history and culture of Columbia University (USA), part of the “white spots” in the biography of N. E. Markov can be closed today. The documentary collection is opened by a rather detailed biography of N. E. Markov, the author of which, without a doubt, is a person who knew him closely - as reported in the annotation to the documents, “obviously, his nephew Seva”.
From the biography we learn that the future leader of the Russian monarchists was the second son of the once famous writer Yevgeny Lvovich Markov (1835–1903) and Nadezhda Nikolaevna Dyatlova, “who did not live long, leaving behind him the eldest son of Leo, Rostislav and daughters Elizabeth and Catherine.” Children, including Nicholas, raised a stepmother - Anna Ivanovna Sidorenko (Poznanskaya in her first marriage). “Well educated at that time, she herself prepared everyone at the gymnasium and institutes, and when the time came, she took N. Ye. [Markov] to the eighth gymnasium in Moscow, to the second grade, when he was 10 years old,” Markov’s biographer notes . Here we find a characteristic and description of the appearance of the future politician: he studied well, but he graduated from high school without a medal; “There was a boy like a boy: dark-skinned, skinny and curly”, he loved to draw and “he fought more than others with his stepmother”[1] .
According to one version, the Markovs were descended from a Lithuanian nobleman who switched over to the service of the Russian Tsar and received in the 17th century. estates near the city of Kursk. According to another version, the Markov clan originated from the Voloshanin (i.e., Moldavian or Romanian) Marco Ross, who served at the Grand Ducal court in the second half of the 15th century. However, Nikolai Evgenievich himself considered the other version of the origin of the family to be correct. In 1915, he replied to accusations of German origin in the Bulletin of the NRC: “My ancient noble family and since the time of the Grand Duke of Moscow Ivan Vasilievich III, who granted our ancestor Mark Tolmach an estate in the Moscow inheritance, our family has been invariably Russian for 400 years ... True <...> in my family there were many ancestors of German blood along the female lines, but what can I deduce from this as if I was not Russian, but German, can only be a brain crazy on pure blood ... a national psychopath. " According to MB Smolin, Markov’s ancestors participated in the Battle of Kulikovo[2] .
NOT. Markov is the son of Yevgeny Lvovich Markov, a fiction writer, publicist, teacher and statesman. Evgeny Lvovich Markov - “Chrysostom of Shchigrovsky Uyezd,” as his contemporaries called him, has come a long and difficult way from the views of the Westerner liberal to the guardian. In his youth, he adhered to liberal views, for some time he collaborated in "Domestic Notes" and "Bulletin of Europe." However, after the assassination of Emperor Alexander II, E.L. Markov changed his views, becoming an adherent of protective Slavophil beliefs. Since that time, it has been published mainly in such conservative publications as Russkoye Obozreniye, Russkiy Vestnik, Nedelya, Novoye Vremya and Rus. Yevgeny Lvovich gained fame thanks to the novel "Black Soil Fields", published in 1877. At one time, L.N. Tolstoy invited E. L. Markov to the co-editors of his journal "Yasnaya Polyana", but he refused because of discrepancies with the great writer on basic vital issues. However, conservative views, as well as oratory talent, N.E. Markov inherited not only from his father - his uncle Vladislav Lvovich (the author of the compositions Kursk Pogorozhniki, Odnodvortsi, and others) was a well-known fiction writer who adhered to conservative convictions and sharply opposed liberalism. The second uncle, Rostislav Lvovich, was also a writer. Through a grandmother, the daughter of Suvorov General Gan, Markov was brought in by a relative to theosophist E.P. Blavatsky, writer V.P. Zhelikhovskaya, and a publicist gene. R.A. Fadeev and a prominent state. figure gr. S.Yu. Witte[3] .
Of course, the conservative views of relatives and the cultural traditions of the family influenced the formation of the worldview of the future leader of the Russian monarchists N.E. Markov. His birthplace was either Simferopol, where his father served as the director of the gymnasium and public schools of the Tauride province, or one of the generic estates of the noble Markovs - Aleksandrovka, Patebnik, or Bogoroditskoye, located in the Shchigrovsky district of the Kursk province. “... The bright memory of those boundless Crimean open spaces and the Kursk land, which became his second small homeland, never left Nikolai Markov. The village of Aleksandrovka of the Shchigrovsky district, drowning in white apple orchards, immediately fell in love with Kolya. From the top of the hill on which their estate was located, boundless expanses opened up on all four sides, full of mysteries and secrets. ”[4] .
From 1870 he lived in the family estate of Markov Patebnik (Shchigrovsky district of Kursk province). He graduated from the Moscow Cadet Corps, and in 1888 the Moscow Institute of Civil Engineers. According to a biography from the Bakhmetevsky archive, Markov studied at the Institute of Civil Engineers from 1884 to 1889, lived at that time "lonely, <...> with his normal student life", "was not involved in politics and had no problems with the police"; becoming an engineer, served for a short time on the Southeast Railway[5] . N.E. Markov joined the Ministry of Railways, starting his career as a simple engineer on the Moscow-Kiev-Voronezh railway. In 1890, he married his fellow countrywoman from Shchigrovsky Uyezd, Nadezhda Vladimirovna Bobrovskaya (1868–1954). “They got married in a good way, they went hand in hand to the end without quarrels and contentions,” the biographer notes. - And in the contentment of home life, and in the difficult Paris period. Everything was done in the family, but outside of it, Nadezhda Vladimirovna was a stranger, especially in politics. Of course, the same right direction, but for her it was more a habit than a driving force. ”[6] .
Five daughters were born in this marriage - Nadezhda, Evgeniya, Tatyana, Lidia and Natalya. Their fates developed differently. Elder Nadezhda managed to graduate from the Pedagogical Institute in Petrograd before the February Revolution, having left to work as a rural teacher in Bessarabia, where she stayed. After the revolution, when it turned out that she was the daughter of “that same Markov,” Nadezhda began to persecute, taking her out of her mental balance, but “did not keep her in prison” Eugene studied at the Bestuzhev courses, which she graduated from during the First World War, going to the front as a sister mercy. Having been married twice, she died in Sevastopol in 1929, leaving her one-year-old daughter Magdalen orphaned. Tatyana, also a “bezudevka”, did not have time to complete the full course - during the First World War, her parents sent her to London as part of the Russian commission. In the capital of Great Britain, the daughter of N. E. Markov remained until 1920, when she was able to reunite with her parents who emigrated to Berlin. According to the biographer, she did not part with her father and mother until their death, and then, having become ill with persecution, she was identified as one of the German almshouses.
Before the revolution, Lydia Markova only managed to graduate from the gymnasium, in the spring of 1917 she left for the village and never returned to Petrograd. The author of the biographical information about Markovs only knows that, having moved to Moscow, L. E. Markova belonged to the "Buddhist religious sect." Thanks to modern research, the fate of Lydia Markova today has been clarified in more detail: in order to facilitate her position in Soviet Russia, she changed her name to Shishelova, having fictitiously married. She lived in Moscow, was an associate of the occultist A. V. Barchenko, with whom she worked in the Scientific and Energy Laboratory of the All-Union Institute of Experimental Medicine; collaborated with the OGPU, a prominent employee of which G. I. Bokiy at that time was interested in Buddhism and the legend of Shambhala, trying to put these ideas in the service of communism. On May 26, 1937, L.N. Shishelova-Markova was arrested and sentenced by the Commission of the NKVD and the USSR Prosecutor's Office to be shot on charges of belonging to a counter-revolutionary espionage organization (shot on December 30, 1937, rehabilitated in 1989). Markov’s youngest daughter, Natalya, “almost a girl married a Bolshevik and disappeared from the family circle”[7] .
From the same biography of the Bakhmetyevsky archive, it is known that Markov “designed and built a cathedral in Konotop for one contractor”, for which he received a very good fee, which allowed him to leave the service and begin “the career of a free architect in Moscow”. True, after Konotop Cathedral, Markov no longer had great successes in the architectural field - “they were replaced by the normal career of a busy Moscow architect — all sorts of houses and buildings, which in total create income for a rather poor but contented life, the scale of which established over this period, stayed already for life "[8] .
Having inherited after the death of his father (1903) a manor with a total area of ​​250 (according to other sources - 360) tithes in the village of Ochochevka, Shchigrovsky Uyezd, Markov in 1905 left the service as a college counselor and returned to his native Kurschina[9] . He was a member of the county zemstvo council. In 1905 he was elected a member of the provincial zemstvo council and left the service (he worked in the council until December 8, 1909). College Advisor. His older brother, Lev Evgenievich, was the leader of the nobility of Shchigrovsky Uyezd. Both Markovs enjoyed great influence in the Kursk province.
One of the participants in the circle of conservatively minded Kursk nobles that had formed around 1904 around the Belgorod district leader of the nobility, Count V.F. Dorrera (M. Ya. Govorukha-Otrok, Prince N.D. Kasatkin-Rostovsky, G.A. Shechkov, Ya. V. Krivtsov, brothers N.E. and G.E. Mukhanov). The circle became the core of the Kursk People's Party of Order (established on September 5, 1904, took shape organizationally in 1905). Markov was among the founders of KNPP, became vice-chairman of the Shchigrovsky department of KNPP. In December 1906, KNPP was transformed into the Kursk department of the Union of Russian People. Markov became a member of the Council of the Kursk Department of the NRC, the founder and chairman of the Shchigrovsky Department of the NRC (in February 1912 he left this post, remaining the honorary chairman)[10] . At the same time, departments were organized in other cities of the Kursk province: Putivle, Belgorod, Stary Oskol, Rylsk. Thanks to his organizational skills and oratory, N.E. Markov soon gained fame among the right-wing monarchs throughout Russia. In early May 1906, N.E. Markov, as a representative of the Kursk province, took part in the work of the Preparatory Commission for the convening of a congress of authorized provincial noble societies. Like all noble right-wing monarchists, Markov was a supporter of the immediate convocation of the congress, was one of the developers of the report on the agrarian question. Already at the First Congress of the United Nobility, which was held May 21–28, 1906 in St. Petersburg, Nikolai Evgenievich, neglecting the authorities, resolutely and sharply spoke about the inaction of most of the noble leaders in the difficult period of Russian history, accusing them of "arrogance" and "inaction". This statement caused a storm of indignation of the nobility and Markov, under the pressure of Count V.F. Dorrer, was forced to apologize. By 1907, Nikolai Evgenievich was perhaps the most prominent of the leaders of the Black-Hundred movement of the Kursk province. And soon, thanks to his personal qualities - decisiveness, uncompromising attitude towards political opponents, strong adherence to the Orthodox faith, the basic principles of the Russian patriotic movement and oratory, Markov managed to become one of the most prominent figures among the leaders of the right-wing monarchs outside the Kursk province[11] .
After the death of Count Dorrera (August 1909), he was elected chairman of the Kursk provincial department of the NRC. He was a member of the Council on the organization of the congress of authorized noble assemblies (May 1906). An active participant in the congresses of the United Nobility in the 1900s - 1910s, a member of the Commission on the Jewish Question under the Permanent Council of the United Nobility. At the beginning of 1907, in the elections to the Second State Duma, he was elected as an elector to the provincial electoral assembly, ran for deputies, but without success (although he received the largest number of votes from right-wing candidates). He made his debut on the All-Russian political scene as a participant in the All-Russian Congresses of Zemstvo Figures of June and August 1907 in Moscow, where he was one of the most active and bright speakers of the right wing.[12] .
Elected to the III State Duma (1907−1912) from the Kursk lips.
After being elected deputy of the State Duma, N.E. Markov moved with his family to the capital of the empire - St. Petersburg, settling in an apartment located on the second floor of house No. 30 on Ligovsky Prospekt. He lived at this address until 1914, after moving to the mezzanine of house No. 4 on Rynochnaya (now Gangutskaya) street. Markov never gave receptions and dinner parties, his life in Petersburg went on as before, except that “the enormous bog oak leather cabinet provided more room for business conversations”[13] .
Nikolai Evgenievich was not only himself elected a Duma deputy, but also led to the Duma from the Kursk province, which had not previously given a single right-wing deputy, 9 of his like-minded Black Hundreds out of 11 deputies elected from the province. In the Duma, Markov entered the right-wing faction, led by his fellow countryman and like-minded count Count V.F. Dorrer, and soon became one of the most prominent members of this representative body. Markov's rapidly growing popularity was promoted not only by his talents and abilities, but also by his colorful appearance. Markov the 2nd (as they will call him in the Duma due to the presence of other deputies with this fairly common surname) had a stunning outward resemblance (face, height and especially look) to the Emperor Peter the Great, which he soon began to emphasize with a haircut and mustache, was somewhat ironic nicknames "The Bronze Horseman." It was impossible not to notice this similarity, but the description of Markov’s appearance in the memoirs of his contemporaries directly depends on his personal attitude to him. “A large head with abundant black curls, large ax-carved features. A black, feline, upright mustache and a tightly compressed unkind mouth gave him a distant resemblance to the caricature of Peter the Great. Markov knew this and was very proud of this similarity, ”Ariadna Tyrkova-Williams, a member of the Central Committee of the Cadet Party, will write years later. And here is the testimony of a former white officer and then writer Roman Gul, who first saw N.E. Markov in exile in Berlin in an embassy church for the first time. “And in it for the first time I saw a former member of the State Duma,“ legendary ”, far-right and extremely eccentric in my Duma speeches, N.E. Markov II. In terms of face and figure, he was very similar to Peter the Great <...> He was just as huge, a head taller than everyone standing in the church, his face was energetic, his hair cut as if circling. "
However, Nikolay Evgenievich also secured another nickname, which he was very proud of - “Kursk Bison”. The nickname "bison", which soon passed from Markov to all the extreme right, clung to him after he once said from the Duma chair:
“We, right-wingers, are as rare as bison.”
The left also called Markov “the heavy instrument of the right”, “the wild landowner”, “Markov-go ahead”; the right-wingers are the "sadder of the Russian land" and the "mighty chicken".
Perhaps the best and most accurate description of Markov was left by the former Kursk governor and prominent right-wing figure N.P. Muratov: “He was undoubtedly a smart, even very smart man, with a great character, strong will, convinced, sincere, stubborn in achieving his goal, but not kind, not soft, but on the contrary, vicious and vengeful. Politically developed, with sufficient erudition, the doctrinaire, like any parliamentary figure, but not dry, but with great ability to concept, a good speaker, with irony in speeches, always smart, subtle, sometimes very witty and always interesting, Markov was a political fighter of the first sorts, and the Duma was his sphere ... If in our four Dumas there were more figures like him, a just cause would not be in such a corral. ”
In the III State Duma, N.E. Markov was elected a member of the Council of the right-wing faction, immediately becoming one of its actual leaders. Soon, Markov joined the St. Petersburg Department of the NRC, and then became a member of the Main Council (GS) of the Union. After leaving V.M.Purishkevich from the NRC, he, along with Count V.F. Dorrer, became the most influential thinker among the members of the General Assembly of the NRC. But Dorrer's busy work in the Duma and the United Nobility did not allow the count to become the leader of the "Zemstvo-catholic" direction in the NRC - fate assigned this role to N.E. Markov. Proponents of this trend recognized the new state system of the Russian Empire, in which a certain place was given to the Duma, created and acting by the will of the Tsar. The adherents of this movement were also V.M. Purishkevich, professor A. S. Vyazigin, G. G. Zamyslovsky and others. The Dubrovins opposed them, that is, the supporters of the first chairman of the General Council of the NRC, Dr. A. I. Dubrovin, who were, in fact, advocates of a return to the order that existed in Russia before the manifesto of October 17.[fourteen]
Member of the Council of the Right faction, the actual leader of the moderate part of the faction; He was a member of the commission on state defense, on Nakaz, budgetary, financial, on communications, and Finland. Markov's speeches in general meetings of the Duma were devoted to the protection of the sovereign rights of the Tsar, the justification of the Stolypin agrarian reform, and the preservation of legal restrictions on the Jewish population of Russia; Markov defended the introduction of income tax, advocated for factory workers from the arbitrariness of industrialists. Member of the IV State Duma (1912−1917). He was a member of the commission: to draw up a draft of the Most Authentic Address, budgetary, financial, for the execution of the state list, for military and naval affairs, to discuss the question of the participation of the Duma in commemorating the 300th anniversary of the reign of the Romanov dynasty.
Markov recognized the need to amend the Regulation on the State Duma and, above all, the electoral law in the sense of rooting the class representation. But: “you can be dissatisfied with the 3rd, 4th Duma, 20th, disperse them, choose the real, Russian, but as an institution the State Duma is necessary: ​​Russia cannot exist without this.” He suggested using the Duma as a platform and a link to the Sovereign: “The most important thing is not that the State Duma decides with a majority of votes, but that the true opinion of the Russian people, loudly expressed by right-wing deputies, will be known to the Tsar Autocrat”[15] .
The famous Russian publicist, the "golden pen" of the leading conservative newspaper of pre-revolutionary Russia "New time" M.O. Menshikov, not without reason, considered Markov the best Duma speaker. As noted fellow countryman and like-minded Nikolai Evgenievich M.Ya. Govoruho-Otrok, “with the independence of his convictions, fearlessness and the ability to parry enemy curses with the greatest aplomb, he made an overwhelming impression on the audience <...> and the right and left were admired by his antics, and the Cadets turned pale with anger and called him a“ bully ”. “This will cut”, “it will not let go”, “there are few of our ten eagles in one” - these are the terms in which the Trudoviks approved it. ”
On the other hand, almost all those who knew Markov noted the extremely harsh manner of his polemical methods. “... It was enough to listen once or twice to the usual herald of the far-right Markov II to wish to get rid of the reproach of unanimity with him. This rather clever man consciously tried to give his speeches in general, and polemic methods in particular, such a disgusting character of market swearing <...> which became disgusting, ”noted Octobrist S.I.Shidlovsky in his memoirs. And Markov's co-factionist in the Third Duma (later a nationalist) V.V. Shulgin spoke of his polemical manner as follows: "He had such a defiant way of saying that, agreeing with him, he did not want to agree." "Shocking" called Markov tone and Govoruho-Otrok[16] .
Founder and publisher (1905−1917; formally - from 1911) of the newspaper “Kurskaya Byl”. In 1907-1908 he collaborated with the newspaper Svet, was the author of informative and colorful Duma reports, as well as many articles, mainly on the same topic. Later he became a regular author of "Zemshchina" and "Bulletin of the Union of the Russian people." In addition, N.E. Markov, like his wife Nadezhda Vladimirovna, was a member of the oldest St. Petersburg monarchical organization Russian Assembly, was among the founding members of the created V.M. Purishkevich of the All-Russian Filaret Society of Public Education, created in 1914 as a counterweight to the liberal League of Public Education, visited the monarchist salon of General E.V. Bogdanovich, and since 1915 was a member of the right circle of A.A. Rimsky-Korsakov.
On June 19, 1908, among several Duma deputies, he was co-opted to the NRC Main Council. For a year and a half, Markov and a group of his associates (S.V. Volodimerov, gr. E. I. Konovnitsyn, M. Ya. Govoruho-Otrok, Father Dimitry Mashkevich and others), representatives of the moderate, loyal wing of the NRC, ready for active political activity in the conditions of the "Duma monarchy", managed to seize leadership in the Council in their own hands. Supporters of A. I. Dubrovin were scattered, they managed to keep under control only the party organ “Russian Banner” and part of the capital’s departments. Markov became the de facto leader of the NRC (fellow chairman of the Main Council since November 22, 1910; in 1912 he was elected chairman of the Main Council)[17] .
In 1912, N.E. Markov was again elected deputy to the IV State Duma. This time, Markov, who by that time had become almost the dictator of the Kursk province by that time, made sure that only the Black Hundreds passed from Kursk to the Duma. Markov was again elected to the Council of the faction, in which he took the post of fellow chairman.
During the 1st World War, a member of the All-Russian Orthodox Religion Care Society. On the eve of World War I, in contrast to the government orientation towards England and France, N.E. Markov adhered to the pro-German foreign policy, noting that "instead of a great friendship with England, it is better to have a small alliance with Germany." Like many right-wingers, he emphasized that the war between Russia and Germany would lead to disastrous consequences and as a result of it “everyone will suffer, states <...> may fall apart, and Attils, whose name is Social Democrats, will appear in their place.” In the future, it was this pre-war position of Markov that became the trump card of the liberal opposition in accusing him of “Germanophilism”. Although in reality, the “Germanophilic” position of Markov was caused solely by his concern for the good of Russia. Markov also took into account the fact that the adopted Big Program for the rearmament and strengthening of the army and navy required several years for its full implementation. “We said,” Markov later explained his position, “try not to quarrel, but at the same time they said: arm yourself to the teeth.”
With the outbreak of the war, N.E. Markov dramatically changes his attitude towards Germany, making an attempt to unite the internal enemy and the external enemy in one person. “... In the image of the Teutons, an invasion of the assemblages of slaves of the Old Testament morality, people who live ideals 2,000 years before our time, fell upon us. We see people who say: man is a German, mankind is a German people, all other nations are either beast of burden for the Germans, or a beast to be exterminated. “A pushing push”: this is the philosophy of true Germanism, ”said Markov during the war[18] .
Since August 1915, a member of the Special Meeting for the discussion and integration of state defense activities. Participant in the Meetings of Representatives of Monarchist Organizations on November 21–23, 1915 in Petrograd (member of the Council elected at the meeting), November 26–29 in Nizhny Novgorod.
After the libelous speech of V.M. Purishkevich, made on November 19, 1916, in which the recent like-minded Markov from the Duma department smashed the "dark forces", accusing, on the basis of rumors and gossip, a number of statesmen of greed, intrigue, Germanophilism and other sins, Nikolai Evgenievich took charge of the honor of the faction and government. On November 22, 1916, he entered the Duma department in order to smash Purishkevich’s speculation with documents in his hands, but the opposition-minded majority of the Duma constantly interrupted him, preventing the right speaker from speaking. Unable to restrain himself, Markov ended his speech with an insult to the Chairman of the State Duma M.V. Rodzianko with the word “bastard”, later publicly declaring that when he insulted the chairman he meant the Duma majority. For this, Nikolai Evgenievich was subjected to the highest degree of punishment available to the Duma - an exception for 15 sessions (as it turned out, until the end of the Duma) and a boycott from the majority of deputies. Moreover, Markov’s trick led to the final split of the right-wing faction as a result of which his supporters were in the absolute minority. “Markov is right before Rodzianko and the Duma, but hardly before the right,” wrote G. A. Shechkov, who remained in the Markov group, on this subject. Markov’s exasperation aroused only the far-right “Thunderstorm”, which congratulated the deputy with a telegram expressing gratitude for “exposing Purishkevich and apt definition of the Duma majority with the word“ bastards ”
In early 1917, the right launched extensive preparations for the revision of the Basic Laws. N.E. Markov was one of the organizers of the project on the development of new legislation, which implied a series of changes designed to strengthen the autocracy. In connection with the expiration of the powers of the Fourth State Duma, Nikolai Evgenievich proposed changing the electoral law and getting elections on the estates before starting the elections to the V Duma, which was supposed to save the popular representation from party affiliation and opposition.
In the first months after the February Revolution, according to Markov, “it was impossible even to think about starting a civil war. These months were spent on the restoration of broken ties, the search for survivors and those who did not lose their spirit, on the clarification of further methods of action. It was a time of secret gathering "on the bones" of a terrible rout "[19] .
Arrested on May 27 (June 9), 1917, released after interrogation. He was taken to Petrograd for testimony of the Extraordinary Investigation Commission (CSC) of the Provisional Government, which investigated the "crimes of the old regime." During interrogations, Nikolai Evgenievich kept calm and behaved courageously, as the poet Alexander Blok, who worked at the time in ChSK, testified to. It can also be seen from the transcript of the interrogation that Markov did not renounce his beliefs and refused to give the names of his employees and like-minded people. The ChSK, having never found a crime in Markov’s actions, freed him (as a member of the Duma he formally enjoyed immunity).
From the biographical sketch we learn that Markov did not lose touch with the right movement and quite often visited Petrograd “first in his own guise; when the deviation to the left intensified, changing clothes more: as long as the beard grew - with a craftsman, and then a monastery servant ”. We add that at this time, for conspiratorial purposes, Markov cut off his famous curls and let go of his beard, which began to turn gray, which noticeably aged him. “... A tall man with a loose beard in a wide-brimmed hat and with a sticky stick in his hands. It was a member of the State Duma, N. E. Markov, who changed his appearance, looking too closely, ”- this is how the appearance of Markov in 1917 is described by I.P. Jacobi[20] .
Until November 8, 1918 he lived in an illegal situation in Petrograd and Moscow. He created the underground organization "Great United Russia", whose members were some former Duma deputies and members of right-wing organizations. He also participated in the leadership of the "United Officer Organization" gene. E. K. Arsenyeva, was a member of the Committee of the Petrograd Anti-Bolshevik Organization. The organization sought to attract German troops and German prisoners of war to the planned coup, which was to be followed by the restoration of the monarchy. The negotiations with the confidant of the German general of Hindenburg were personally led by Markov, but because of the enslaving demands of the German side, an agreement could not be reached. At that time, Markov, who remained in Petrograd and after the Bolshevik coup, by his own admission, "moved from Petersburg to Moscow and back, spent the night in empty apartments, every day risked being recognized on the street and arrested."
In 1918, Markov, using the forces of Great Unified Russia, took some steps to prepare for the release of the Tsar’s Family, but to no avail, which he himself later explained as “financial constraint”, as well as the provocative activities of the cornet of S. V. Markov and B. N. Soloviev. “With small, randomly obtained funds, we were forced to work on a reduced scale, act intermittently and delayed, had insufficient forces, where hundreds of people were needed, we had dozens. But still, until the last day, we sought and did everything in our power to liberate the Sovereign and His Family. But still a lot of preparatory work was done and their salvation from Tobolsk became realistically feasible. Transportation to Yekaterinburg dealt a terrible blow to all our plans. But if we had at least one million rubles in April 1918, I think we would have managed to concentrate a team of 300 brave people by Yekaterinburg and make a decisive attempt to unite the Tsar’s Family with Czechoslovakians. We did not have a million on time and we did not save the Tsar. In this, we, the monarchists, of course, are to blame, and first of all, I, Markov 2nd, is to blame. We are guilty of what we wanted, tried, but failed to save our King and His Family. But we are not to blame for one thing - we are not to blame for the indifference to the fate of our Sovereign. It’s not us who is to blame, but others ... ”, Markov later wrote about this period of his activity.[21] .
In 1918 he moved to Finland, from the end of the year he participated in the white movement in the North-West of Russia.
Already in May 1919, fleeing the threat of his arrest, N.E. Markov with the help of guard officers Alexander and Sergey Gershelmanov (sons of the famous patron of the Black Hundred Moscow Governor General S.K. Gershelman) crossed the Gulf of Finland.
Returning to Russia, N.E. Markov from the end of the year took an active part in the White Movement in the Northwest. Under the name of Lev Nikolayevich Chernyakov, he served as chief officer for errands at the Military-Civil Administration of the Northwest White Army. Member of the "Brotherhood of the White Cross of the Great United Russia" (1918−1919); headed the Union of Faithful officer, edited the White Cross newspaper in Yamburg, which was soon banned by the army command.
The Union of Faiths, created by Markov in Estonia, made the main bet on work in the Red Army, which, according to Markov, was to carry out a military coup led by members of the Union introduced into it. The “Union of Faithful” actively worked not only in North-West Russia, but also had its own groups in Ukraine. The Ukrainian department of the Union, which included Colonel Alexander Khomutov, a former Duma member, nationalist Alexander Gizhitsky, Black Hundreds Nikolai Rodzevich, Boris Pelikan, Efim Kotov-Konoshenko and others, was headed by Markov’s deputy in the General Assembly of the People’s Republic of Nursery and the latest editor of the Bulletin of the NRC, Viktor Sokolov, with this time called Sokolov-Baransky. He maintained contact with the monarchist group N.E. Markov and the Kiev Defense Council under Count F.A. Keller, which included members of the "Union of Faithful" Colonels Andrei Panteleev and Fedor Bezak[22] .
In addition to managing the Union, N.E. Markov wrote leaflets, and since July 1919 he published the White Cross newspaper in Yamburg, which was soon banned "for monarchism" by the then army commander, General A.P. Rodzianko. After the North-West Army of General N.N. Yudenich, in December of that year, was defeated in an attempt to occupy Petrograd and retreated to Estonia, he emigrated to Germany in the spring of 1920. In Berlin, according to the biographer, “Nikolai Evgenievich found himself in a familiar and calm atmosphere. His wife was already there, and her daughter Tatyana left London. ” “The Berlin period,” it is said further, “embracing 1920-1926, somewhat resembled his previous work, with the difference that the time given earlier to the Duma now went on to further study the Jewish question. Editors and reports exempted N.E. [Markov] from the search for food, events in Germany did little to affect our emigration. However, he considered it necessary to send his wife and daughter to Lindau (Lindau - bus), where they remained until 1926. "[23] .
Nikolai Evgenievich immediately actively joined the work of the Russian monarchists, contributing a lot to the consolidation of the right-wing emigration. One of the organizers of the Berlin Russian Public Assembly, on the basis of which the Russian right-wing monarchists were united. At the end of 1920, Markov and his associates created the Berlin Monarchist Association. The majority of emigrant monarchical groups gradually enter the orbit of influence of the BMO[24] .
Then he began to edit the magazine “Two-headed eagle. Herald of monarchical thought ”, published first in Berlin (1920−1922), and then in Paris (1926−1931). He regularly published articles under his own name and pseudonym Bui Tour and Goy, and later became a regular contributor to the weekly High Monarchical Council. In addition to active work in the NRC, Markov, like his wife Nadezhda Vladimirovna, was a member of the RS, the All-Russian Filaret Public Education Society, and attended the gene monarchist salon. E.V. Bogdanovich, since 1915 was a member of the right circle A. A. Rimsky-Korsakov[25] .
In 1921, he became one of the main organizers of the Reichengall Congress (Congress of the Economic Reconstruction of Russia in the city of Reichengall (Bad Reichengall, Bavaria, May 29 - June 7, 1921), a unification meeting of the right-wing emigration, at which he was elected chairman of the Supreme Monarchical Council established at the congress. (Navy). In this position, Markov was from 1921 to 1927, also a regular contributor to the weekly “Higher Monarchical Council.” The honorary chairman of the congress was Metropolitan Anthony (Khrapovitsky), and the chairman was former Bessarabian provincial leader of the nobility A. N. Krupensky. elected the Supreme Monarchical Council, which is to coordinate the activities of the monarchist forces aimed at restoring the Orthodox monarchy in Russia, and to fulfill in a sense the role of guardian of the tsar’s throne, “in the firm conviction that he is well aware of the genuine aspirations of the genuine Russian people, who are looking forward to the restoration of the legitimate people Mon an archia and not being able only, under the heel of rapists, to freely raise its voice at the present time. ” At the first congress in the Navy , Markov (chairman), A. M. Maslennikov, and A. A. Shirinsky-Shikhmatov were elected, and Metropolitan Anthony and Evlogy (Georgievsky) as honorary members. Subsequently, among the active members of the Navy there were also A. N. Krupensky, N. D. Talberg, F. V. Vinberg, Baron M. A. Taube, A. F. Trepov, S. S. Oldenburg[26] .
The organization of the "Congress of Economic Recovery of Russia", which managed to convene Markov 2nd and Biskupsky from May 29 to June 6, 1921 in the Bavarian resort city of Reichengal, was handled by Aufbau. Expecting to conclude economic agreements with the future rulers of the restored Russian empire, the industrialists and merchants who financed this association generously paid travel and hotels to the invited monarchists. As an organizer, Scheuibner-Richter welcomed on behalf of the “National Bavaria” one hundred and thirty delegates who came from different countries. The representative of Serbia was one of the cousins ​​of Alexander Kazem-Bek, Sergei Mikhailovich Tolstoy-Miloslavsky. His other cousin, a former chamberlain and state adviser Pavel Sergeyevich Tolstoy-Miloslavsky, was a member of the Paris delegation.[27]
However, there was no unity among the members of the Navy. The Germanophiles, headed by N.E. Markov, saw in Germany the only ally for the future monarchist Russia. But due to the deterioration of the internal situation in Germany, the influence within the Navy of Markov’s supporters decreased. The Francophiles, headed by A.F. Trepov, on the contrary, called for a bet on the Entente in the restoration of the monarchy in Russia. Characteristically, one of Trepov’s requirements when joining the Navy was to clear the Council of figures like Markov. However, Markov held on to the post of head of the Navy, which testifies to the strength of his influence on right-wing monarchs.
As the famous Russian philosopher I.A. Ilyin wrote, “The atmosphere of the Supreme Monarchical Council is the atmosphere of Markov. He is strong-willed and temperamental, and rudely smart and rudely cunning, his intrigue is clumsy, very power-hungry <...> obsessed with anti-Semitism and Freemasonry <...> spiritual culture for Orthodoxy almost does not exist for him. " But he immediately noted: “Markov is an intelligent, strong-willed and patriotic man. Not uneducated, straightforward and very powerful[28] .
As it was reported in the intelligence report of the Foreign Department of the GPU (1923), "turning to the future activities of the monarchists, he [Markov] sets out a whole program ... The new milestones of the monarchy are: the vital union of the Russian Orthodox Church with the Russian monarchy; the equality of all loyal subjects to royal law; compulsory and universal education of religious moral and monarchical; liberation of the village from the city and capital and the fair distribution between the city and the village of the benefits of spiritual and material culture; conducting a broad land reform with the formation of a state land reserve (State Land Fund), approval of property rights; a monetary transformation based not on gold, but on real values, such as bread, forest, bowels, etc. ”
During the years of emigration, Markov constantly traveled to European countries, giving various reports, among which were such topics as “Supreme Power”, “Judo-Bolshevism”, “Church Troubles”, “The State of Affairs in Russia and Abroad,” “At the Frontier upcoming events ”,“ Events in the East ”,“ Uprising of the Russian people ”and many others. other[29]
Member of the All-Diaspora Council of the Russian Orthodox Church (Sremski Karlovtsy, November 21 - December 3, 1921). Employee of the Department “On the Spiritual Revival of Russia”; Under the leadership of Markov, a project was developed: "Messages to the children of the Russian Orthodox Church, in the dispersal and exile to the beings." Around the draft Message presented by Markov at the general meeting of the congress, a heated debate ensued. Some insisted that the phrase be removed from the Epistle: the Lord "may He return to the All-Russian throne of the Anointed One, strong with the love of the people, the legitimate Orthodox Tsar from the Romanov dynasty." The project was approved, but the minority issued a separate statement (“raising the question of the monarchy, with mention of the dynasty and the dynasty, is political in nature and, as such, is not subject to discussion of the church meeting”), refusing to participate in the vote.
Markov considered it necessary for the monarchists to distance themselves from the white movement. Opening the Reichengall Congress, he emphasized: the monarchists "stand between the red and white" and "must bind them." The cornerstone of the Russian world is autocracy. As soon as it fell - “immediately Russian culture was destroyed, the Russian Church hesitated, the pagan“ bestial custom ”returned, the Russian state collapsed and the very name of Russia disappeared”. "History does not know republican Russia, but knows only the Russia-Monarchy, and those who are monarchist Russia hate, they hate Russia in general." The experience of "composing" republican Russia ended in the triumph of "social Bolshevism", and that "led Russia to decay and destruction"[30] .
In this period N.E. Markov adhered to the position that the monarchists, recognizing the merits of the White movement, should distance themselves from it. “White had good goals,” said Markov, speaking at the opening of the Reichengall Congress, “but they went the wrong way, they didn’t carry on their banner that prophetic word that could only find a response in the mind and hearts of the Russian people <...> Belykh waited <...> for the destruction of the revolution. But not only did the whites not fight the revolution, but with the stubbornness of blinding proclaimed their devotion to the revolution, their constant desire to preserve, develop and deepen this greatest misfortune <...> Neither the red nor the white did not answer the passionate request of the Russian people, and he hated some and turned away from others <...> Our people rejected both white and red. He is waiting for someone third. " “Our Russian flag,” he continued, “has three stripes; the red and white stripes are used separately. We, the monarchists, like the blue stripe, we must tie both red and white. We blue must restore the old single white-blue-red national flag. ”
Markov categorically did not accept Eurasianism - as a trend inwardly related to Bolshevism and inevitably drawing closer to it. At the same time, Markov pessimism in the 1920s. reinforced by the Eurasian, in fact, theses.
Nikolai Evgenievich also believed that the Renaissance of Russia should begin with the Zemsky Cathedral, which will call on the Tsar. At the same time, he emphasized that the determining role in the choice of the Autocrat should not be played by formal law, but by the Truth of God.
A retrospective analysis of Russian history, to which Markov constantly turned, had the ultimate goal, as with most ideologists of Abroad, to explain what happened in 1917. According to Markov, the meaning and content of all modern history is "not a class struggle, not a struggle of peoples, but a struggle for the existence of nations with the Jewish international." In the report “The History of the Jewish Storm of Russia” he gives a completely conspiracy interpretation of the last 100 years of the history of tsarist Russia: the Jewish kagal or masons turned out to be the creators of all critical situations.
He participated in the unification congress of right-wing and center-right emigration (Paris, April 4-11, 1926). The purpose of the congress - the creation of a common coordinating body - was not achieved; a significant group of right-wing liberals refused to recognize Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich as the “leader” of the Russian emigration, around which all political forces should rally. Markov insisted on the creation of an executive body with broad powers, directly subordinate to the Grand Duke. The right-wing initiative did not receive the required 2/3 votes[31] . At the congress, Markov said: “The Russian flag is now torn,” he said, speaking at the first meeting of the congress, “There were tattered rags. White is here, red is there. It is necessary to push the blue. It is necessary to associate white with red. It is necessary to restore the white-blue-red Russian flag. “We must connect the whites with the red ones, not with the executioners, but with those under the red executioners <...> We must not conquer, conquer, conquer Russia, but merge with it, seeing there the brothers with whom we must unite Russia together.” It is significant that in the event of a fall in Bolshevik power, Markov warned against any impulses to bring “retaliation” over the Soviet bureaucracy and the Red Army, emphasizing that it is impossible to destroy the existing pillars of the state system. As the cornerstone of the Russian world, Markov still considered the Autocracy: “... For Russia, the only way to salvation is the legitimate Monarchy. The only slogan that will be followed in Russia is Faith, Tsar and People. ”
At the congress, which brought together people of various political colors, united by only one - the desire to free Russia from Bolshevism, Markov made a conciliatory speech, in which, in particular, he said: “We (monarchists) came here for non-partisan and extra-partisan affairs <...> We consciously folded our banners. We have not cheated on them. We remain faithful to them, but the battle now is with another enemy - with the executioner of the whole Russian people <...>, which is why we deliberately turned off the monarchist banners <...> And we say: eliminate the executioner! Before that, everything should shut up. The fight must be to the end, to the end, to victory. ” “We are monarchists,” said Markov at the congress, “are ready to work with everyone, and with the Republicans, if they sincerely go to the overthrow of the Bolsheviks.” “Here,” he continued, “we should not be as a party, but as Russian people <...> Let some think of the monarchy and others think of the republic — it is not for us to establish the forms of government of Russia ...” The result of Markov’s speech was a proposal to the delegates not to develop any programs, a discrepancy in relation to which would inevitably have appeared among conservatives and liberals, monarchists and republicans, and to concern themselves exclusively with the preparation of a coup d'etat in Soviet Russia. However, Markov’s proposal was not accepted by the congress.[32] .
At the end of 1925, N.E. Markov moved from Germany to Paris, then the center of Russian emigration, having settled in one of the hotels. Here he continued his previous activities - he continued to edit the monarchical journal "The Two-headed Eagle", which began to be published in Berlin, delivered lectures and reports, which he always did only in Russian and was limited, as a rule, to only two topics - the situation in Russia and the Jewish question. “The passing years left his reputation unsullied, and he invariably elected to the board of the Supreme Monarchical Council, keeping to the same line as always, except perhaps by moving it even more to the right. And, as before, it remained the target of attacks on the entire [monarchist] movement, ”said Markov’s biographer. In Paris, as you know, Markov released two volumes of his most famous book - “Wars of the dark forces” [Markov, 1928; Markov, 1930], which, according to his biographer, had some success and quickly dispersed. However, for the first time, we learn that in 1931 Markov also wrote the third volume of this work, which was not released due to financial difficulties of the publishing house: “His manuscript apparently disappeared”[33] .
After the “Foreign Congress”, Markov resigned as chairman of the Navy, but, moving from Germany to France, continued to edit the Double-headed Eagle and participate in the work of the Council.
In 1931, he presided over the monarchical congress in Paris, where the conflict over the issue of succession to the throne led to a split in the Navy. After death c. Prince Nikolai Nikolayevich legitimacy of claims Prince Cyril Vladimirovich was recognized as the head of the Church Abroad by Metropolitan Anthony; Markov also spoke for the recognition of Kirill Vladimirovich ( connection with Chavchavadze ) as the head of the Imperial House. The confrontation of the majority of delegates forced Markov to leave the congress and leave the Navy. In the late 1920s - early 1930s. Markov participates in the work of the Russian Monarchist Party, the Committee for the Call for Unification around the head of the Imperial House (Cyrilites), the Union for Faith, Tsar and Fatherland, the Russian Consent Society, and the Russian Imperial Union.
A notable event in the journalistic work of Markov was the book "Wars of the dark forces", written in 1930. In it, Nikolai Evgenievich examined the history of the implementation of the "Jewish Messianic" doctrine of the world domination of the Jews. The history of the Middle East until the Middle Ages, the medieval history of Western Europe, the century of enlightenment and the spread of Freemasonry, the revolution in France of the late 18th - first half of the 19th centuries advocate the implementation of this doctrine as separate stages of the struggle of the Jews. and, finally, events in Russia in the XIX - XX centuries. In the last chapters, Markov expresses his point of view on the events of which he was a direct participant. The only ones who extended a helping hand to the government in the fight against the 1905 revolution organized by the "Jewish Masons", wrote Markov, were the Black Hundreds and the NRC. However, thanks to the efforts of "... the liberal ministerial trifles", the NRC "... began to squeeze, belittle and lead to its decomposition."
The establishment of fascist regimes in Europe N.E. Markov, of course, welcomed. In the crisis of European democracies and the growth of authoritarian, nationalist and traditionalist tendencies, an emigrant politician saw the triumph of Black-Hundred ideas and the beginning of a revival of monarchical sentiments in Europe. “Events are racing with acceleration ever increasing,” he noted in the summer of 1932. “Coups hang in the air. And not only coups, but also returns to the past. The brains of mankind are being cleared, and a sound understanding of salvation as one and sovereignty embraces the minds of new generations. This is especially pronounced in Germany, where they yearned for Kaiser and the junkers. "[34] .
In the 1930s, Markov visited with lectures the places of concentration of Russian emigration. In his speeches, he considered the issues raised in the book "Wars of the dark forces." Russian right-wing monarchists in Harbin in 1937 published a report by N.E. Markov's “History of the Jewish assault in Russia”, in general terms repeating the last chapters of his book[35] .
In 1934, Markov was attracted by Ulrich Fleischhauer (his acquaintances from the first years of emigration) as an defense expert to participate in the Berne process, organized by a number of Jewish organizations with the aim of proving the forgery of the “Protocols of the Elders of Zion” and stopping their further dissemination. Markov actually defined a defense strategy for which “it is unprofitable to try to prove which of the Jews created the text of the protocols. It is impossible to prove, and attempts of this kind will only seriously complicate the defense. It will be enough to say that this Jewish plan corresponds to Jewish psychology and there is only a repetition of the ideas set forth in the old testament, Talmud, etc., which were preached by the Jews in all ancient and new times, and which they fully realized in the USSR ”[36] . Correspondence of Markov with N.F. Stepanov, N.A. Stepanov, E.K. Brandt from the personal archive of N.F. Stepanov, related to the preparation of the process, was published by O. Platonov in the book. "The mystery of the Zion Protocols."
With the cessation of the release of The Two-Headed Eagle, N. E. Markov was left without constant earnings. Physical work for him and his wife was no longer possible, and the daughter who lived with them was unable to find work, in addition to the difficult economic situation in the country, the father's surname , which was odious beyond the borders of the monarchist circle. During this period, the Markovs lived on funds received from the sale of already published books, which “now almost no one bought”, and were forced to be content with the small ones - “often the question came down to whether to buy porridge with butter or buy more cereals to lasted longer ... ". The situation changed only with Hitler coming to power in Germany. The Nazi regime decided to use Markov for their own purposes, offering him the post of editor of the Russian issue of the anti-Semitic magazine World Service. “Negotiations with the chief editor,” says the biographer, “began in the early thirties, but dragged on until July 1935. The proposed work was completely to the tastes and abilities, and almost public service was a way out of a difficult financial situation. The stumbling block was religion. The National Socialists strongly cross religion, while he [Markov] refused to go even against non-Orthodox. We came to an agreement, the Russian section of [the magazine] will only deal with anti-Semitic propaganda ” [37] .
In 1919, W. Fleischhauer founded the World Service, a kind of “anti-Semitic international”, an “international body for the study of the Jewish question,” including a research center and the Bodung Publishing House. In 1935, at the invitation of Fleischhauer, Markov entered the Russian section of the World Service and moved to Erfurt. Since 1936, the editor of the Russian issue was published once every 2 weeks in six (subsequently - in 11) languages ​​of the bulletin World Service. International Journal of Jewish Education (Welt-Dienst. Internationale Korrespondenz zur Aufklarung uber die Judenfrage). He participated in the creation of the Segil Veri encyclopedia, where it was planned to collect everything that "the Aryans think and know about Jews." In Erfurt, Markov is finally removed from the internal emigrant political struggle, although from time to time he continues to give presentations and lectures and publish articles in the emigrant press. In 1938, Markov participated in the activities of the Second Foreign Congress in Yugoslavia. After the congress, he gradually departed from active political activity and, according to some reports, after the attack of Nazi Germany on the USSR, having ceased its cooperation with the German authorities, he completely abandoned political activity. From time to time, his brochures on the Jewish question were published in German.
Editorial work took him a lot of time, but he was well rewarded, eliminating the need to look for third-party earnings, and made it possible to “express his thoughts on issues other than Jewish”, as well as to be published in other German Russian-language publications, for example, in the Berlin “New Word” ". In 1939, the Markovs, in connection with the relocation of the editorial office of World Service, moved to Frankfurt, where they lived “calmly and enough”, while their housing - a hotel room on Brentanostrasse, 15 - did not burn out in 1944 during the bombing. I had to settle in again, this time in Wiesbaden, on Karlstrasse 16. Here, at the age of 79, N.E. Markov died on April 22, 1945, having not survived the collapse of Nazi Germany. The wife, Nadezhda Vladimirovna, survived him for 9 years and died on March 11, 1954. Both of them rest in the same grave in the Russian Orthodox cemetery at the church of St. Elizabeth in Wiesbaden[38] located next to Mount Neroberg[39] .

Nikolai Evgenievich Markov (1902-2002)
Nikolai Evgenievich Markov

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